Graphic test

Guaranteeing income security in old age, disability and survivorship

Guaranteeing income security in old age, disability and survivorship

- Only a minority of older men and women enjoy income security in old age; in large parts of the world, old age still constitutes a major poverty risk.

In many high-income countries, pension systems have proved effective in reducing income poverty and other forms of poverty among older people.

- Similarly, limited earnings capacity as a result of severe disability constitutes a major poverty risk for men and women with disabilities and their families. Invalidity pensions provide income protection for insured persons who are no longer able to engage in any employment, or who have reduced earnings capacities as a result of disability. Such contributory pensions are complemented by non-contributory disability benefits, whose scope of coverage is wider than the insured population.

- Income security for survivors is provided through survivors’ pensions.

- When countries in which social security is fairly developed have a pension system in place, they typically consists of several pension schemes that either cover certain groups of the population or have different specific objectives. Many, but not all, of those pension schemes cover the risks of old age, disability and survivorship.

- In most middle- and low-income countries, pension schemes are concentrated on formal sector employees, mainly in the civil service and large enterprises. Those not covered by formal pension schemes have to rely on the support of their families and communities...

...yet these informal forms of protection are eroding due to demographic change, migration, urbanization and widespread poverty.

As a result, the numbers of the older poor are increasing, and they are over-represented among the chronically poor. A majority of the world’s older people receive no regular income, and many live on less than US$1 a day.


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Coverage by contributory and non-contributory pensions


Coverage by contributory and non-contributory pensions

- Worldwide, nearly 40 per cent of the population of working age enjoys statutory coverage by contributory old-age pension schemes. In all regions, the proportion of voluntary contributory programmes hardly reaches 4 per cent of the working-age population.

- Effective coverage is, however, significantly lower than statutory coverage, and with the exception of North America and Western Europe, effective coverage is quite low in all regions, although it is still around 50 per cent in Central and Eastern Europe. But in sub-Saharan Africa, only 5 per cent of the working-age population is effectively covered by contributory programmes; this share is about 20 per cent in Asia and the Middle East, and 10 per cent in North Africa.

 

 

 

- While the above considerations refer to active contributors as a proportion of the working-age population, it is also important to consider the current generation of pensioners, and to include the effects of non-contributory benefits. Coverage ratios of more than 90 per cent are reached by some countries in Europe, as well as Canada; most other industrialized countries have coverage ratios of between 50 and 90 per cent of the population above retirement age, as do a number of middle-income countries with non-contributory social pension schemes in Africa and Latin America. In large parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America, coverage rates are significantly lower, often less than 20 per cent of the elderly population.


OLD age Coverage by contributory and non-contributory pensions

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Asia

In Asia some countries have made major efforts to extend coverage beyond the formal sector.

  • Sri Lanka, for example, has a scheme covering farmers and fishers that has achieved substantial coverage rates (57 per cent of the farmers and 42 per cent of the fishers).
  • India, too, has made efforts to cover the informal economy through the National Old-Age Pension Scheme, financed by central and state resources, which reaches one fourth of all older people: about half of pensioners who live in poverty.
  • Nepal has introduced a basic non-contributory pension for all those aged 70 years and over.
  • Thailand implemented a similar allowance for all older people as a temporary anti-crisis measure, but is now debating whether to replace it by a permanent basic pension scheme.
  • Relatively high coverage is enjoyed by the populations of Mongolia and countries of the former Soviet Union, but low social security expenditure in some of these countries, as well as other evidence, indicates that actual pensions paid are very low and often not sufficient to keep older people out of poverty.
  • In Japan the indicator is only below 100 per cent because many Japanese retire much later than the age of 60.
 

Africa

In Africa the lowest coverage levels (10% at most) to pension entitlement are found in the elderly population of Africa. In countries with a longer tradition in social security and a larger formal economy (such as Tunisia or Algeria), the situation is significantly better.

Latin America

In Latin America and the Caribbean, a region with a long history of social security, coverage in the majority of cases reflects the proportion of those working in the formal economy: 30–60 per cent.

 

 

- With regard to contributory pensions, pension reforms in several Latin American countries during the last three decades have resulted in a mixed record. Some countries have seen a marked decrease in coverage ratios, especially in the case of workers with unstable employment histories and women. Furthermore, the level of pension benefits is being eroded by low contributions, relatively short contribution periods and high administration fees. As a result, several countries have seen a much more active engagement of the State in the regulation and governance of the pension system, as well as in the management and funding of minimum guarantees and social assistance benefits.

 

- Efforts to expand coverage gradually through contributory schemes must be coupled with the introduction of non-contributory pensions, which can immediately provide income support to those already in the old-age brackets.

If coverage is to reach all of those in need... Reaching a universal level of social security coverage in old age is also within reach for low- and middle-income countries.

- Pensions not only provide benefits for older people and those with disabilities but also use this disadvantaged group as effective agents of social transfers for whole families.

Strong evidence of positive experience comes from countries such as Brazil, Mauritius, Namibia, Nepal, South Africa and Zambia.


As a result of rural pension payments in Brazil, school enrolments of 10–14 year-olds are significantly higher among rural Brazilian households that receive pensions as compared with those who do not, and girls in Old Age Grant recipient households in South Africa are on average 3–4 cm taller than girls of the same age in non-recipient households.


Sub-Saharan Africa, for example, is home to 26 million of the 40 million persons living with HIV/AIDS worldwide and is consequently the region with the highest number of households with a generation gap.


In Botswana, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, United Republic of Tanzania and Zimbabwe, 50–60 per cent of orphans live with grandparents. In such contexts, and particularly where other forms of social assistance are limited or non-existent, non-contributory pensions are an effective way to support a decent standard of living among older people and children simultaneously. In addition, non-contributory pensions are an important policy measure for the promotion of gender equity. Older women are disproportionally disadvantaged and tend to be poorer than men. In middle- and low-income countries, the great majority of women work all their lives in the informal economy or unpaid activities. They are thus excluded from formal social security and health schemes as these are linked to paid, formal employment.


In urban China, for example, poverty rates are three to four times higher among older women than among older men. For this reason, non-contributory pensions generally redistribute more income to women and thus play a particular role in alleviating and reducing poverty among older women.


- Pension recipients redistribute cash income in the household, finance school fees and medication, etc. Pension income often finances investment in assets and small business, which in turn provides financial resources for the care of very vulnerable children and orphans.

- The need to extend coverage is most urgent in middle- and low-income countries where coverage rates are low. To begin with, pension schemes in these countries tend to cover a restricted proportion of the workforce, mainly those in formal wage employment.

- For most of the OECD countries, the proportion of pension beneficiaries to the population over retirement age is close or equal to 100 per cent of the elderly population.

But with increasing longevity and relatively short working lives, as well as increasing demands for long-term care of older people, social security systems are under growing financial stress.

This tends to increase pressure to reform pension systems and to reduce the level of provision for future generations of retirees.

- At the same time, the majority of older people in the world – particularly in low-income countries – are obliged to continue working, mainly in the informal economy, because they are not entitled to pensions, or if these exist they are too low.

 

Since most of these people have been working in the informal economy or in rural areas, they cannot benefit from non-contributory social assistance or universal pensions that could lift them out of poverty when they reach retirement, because such schemes are non-existent.

 


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Pension coverage has a strong gender dimension

Pension coverage has a strong gender dimension

The worldwide pattern of pension coverage also has a strong gender dimension.

In most countries women are less represented in the formal economy, and are therefore less likely to be covered by social insurance pensions as compared to men. When women do receive social security pensions in their own right, they usually receive them under similar conditions to men, according to their earnings and years of service. While differences in legal provisions for men and women (e.g. prescribing different minimum pensionable ages) may lead to small gender differences in terms of benefit levels and coverage, gender-specific employment patterns are reflected in social security entitlements and account for considerable differences in social security coverage. In Argentina and Jordan, around 65 per cent of all men above the age of 60 receive a pension, but only 33 per cent of women in Argentina and 10 per cent of women in Jordan receive pension benefits.

The gender bias may be explained by the fact that women on average are less likely to be employed, earn lower wages and accumulate fewer years of service – either because they interrupt their careers to look after their children or for other care responsibilities, or because they are encouraged to leave the labour market earlier than men. This effect is particularly strong in pension schemes based on individual savings.

Another pattern is that the husband contributes to a social security pension scheme, while his wife is dependent on his pension. This is the classic model of the male breadwinner. In this situation women are entitled to derived pension rights, which are typically lower than pensions in their own right. In addition, these entitlements are often conditional on the continuation of the marriage, which leaves women in a potentially vulnerable position. How a woman benefits during retirement depends on the intra-household decision-making process. In the event of her husband’s death, a woman normally receives less of his previous pensions. If a marriage breaks down, there is usually no splitting of pension claims between husband and wife. At best, wives will then be eligible for lower-level tax-financed pension assistance benefits.

The most common situation worldwide, however, is that neither husband nor wife is entitled to social security pensions, since they have both worked in the informal economy.

 

Where tax-financed pensions exist, a higher proportion of women than men tend to benefit from such transfers. In most low- and middle-income countries contributory pensions tend to benefit mainly men, while tax-financed pensions benefit mainly women. Although average indicators of coverage may be lower (as in Africa) or higher (as in Europe), a significant gender gap shows up everywhere: in nearly all countries older women are covered to a much lesser extent than older men.

 


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Challenges around disability benefits

Challenges around disability benefits

- Disability benefits include contributory and non-contributory benefits paid to persons with disabilities with a view to providing income security to reflect reduced earnings capacities and to cover special needs.

Benefits, which provide cash transfers and benefits in kind to provide minimum income security, cover special needs and facilitate access to social services.

A major milestone was set by the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol in 2006, which marked a paradigm shift towards a stronger emphasis on the rights of people with disability, non-discrimination and an enabling environment.

- A rising number of beneficiaries of disability benefits has prompted many high-income countries to review their disability benefit policies and to step up their efforts in promoting integration into the labour market encouraging people to remain in work, take up employment or participate in education or training measures; or moving towards integrated working-age benefits for people with or without disabilities.

- In most low- and middle-income countries, contributory invalidity benefits cover only a small proportion of the population, whom rely on social assistance schemes for benefits in cash and in kind, and on access to social services. 


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Adequacy of pensions

Adequacy of pensions

- While there is a certain body of knowledge on the extent of old-age pension coverage, information enabling an assessment of the level of coverage exists for only a limited number of countries. But levels of benefit received from the social security pension system are, of course, dependent on resources invested.

 

percentage of GDP on social security old-age pensions

Pension spending per person above retirement age in a country, expressed as a percentage of its GDP per capita

High-income countries

average of 6.9 per cent

56 per cent

middle-income countries

2.1 per cent

33.2 per cent

low-income countries

0.6 per cent

17.8 per cent

 

Over 60 per cent of the world’s elderly population now live in countries classified by the United Nations as “less developed”.

In 2050, that proportion will have reached nearly 80 per cent. Some 60 per cent of the elderly population will be living in Asia, with over half in just two countries: China and India. A growing number of low- and middle-income countries have made moves to cope with the challenge. They have either already implemented a basic non-contributory pension scheme (whether universal or income-tested) or are currently discussing the possibilities.

Even in low-income countries, a basic non-contributory pension is affordable, feasible and the most effective solution for closing the existing coverage gap quickly, thus reducing poverty among the elderly population and alleviating overall poverty in those households where they live.

 

A tryout of the 1980s

- Pension reforms, which started in the 1980s were putting forward the idea that converting widespread defined benefit (DB) pension schemes – financed on a pay-as-you-go basis – into pre-funded defined contribution (DC) schemes, would help to ensure availability and affordability. On the one hand, it was hoped that such reforms would prevent contribution rates and other pension system costs growing as a result of ageing populations, keeping the overall costs of pensions more or less constant. On the other hand, there was also a strong belief that such reformed systems, closely linking amounts contributed with future benefits and relegating redistributive components to social assistance schemes, would provide very strong incentives to contribute, even on a voluntary basis. Such systems were thus seen as a major instrument to increase the scope of coverage, particularly to the self-employed. The privatization of the management of the funds was supposed to strengthen these incentives – by providing higher rates of return and gaining higher public confidence than allegedly bankrupt public schemes.

ILO and other studies on these reforms, have shown that they may reduce the income security of those covered when they become old; reduce the actual effective coverage of those previously covered; and fail to meet expectations with respect to the increased coverage of those not previously covered and to rises in national savings rates.

-Moreover, high and long-lasting transitional costs, considerable administrative costs and expected low replacement rates (especially for women or other persons with short or interrupted careers and lower incomes), were noticed in such ILO studies. Recent estimations of future replacement rates show that they are likely to decrease not only in countries that embarked on so-called paradigmatic reforms, unless people contribute significantly longer and retire much later; even so-called parametric reforms – like the ones in France or Germany – may reduce future replacement rates quite considerably.


- The most common way to accommodate revenue reductions is to cut benefit levels, which often results in added uncertainty for those hardest hit by global and national adjustment processes. The expected turbulences on national labour markets, coupled with the global adjustment processes, may lead to “broken” careers for many people, which along with spells of unemployment or periods of retraining and those affected will most probably face replacement rates that no longer meet the requirements of ILO Conventions.


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Pension finances and the global crisis


Pension finances and the global crisis

- The repercussions will most likely affect people who retire after the crisis. In defined benefit schemes, where pension amounts are calculated without regard to the level of reserves, the immediate impact will be less than in defined contribution schemes where benefit guarantees are less effective by nature.

However, a long-term contraction of employment (fewer contributors) will also force governments to make downward adjustments in Direct Benefit schemes.

- Pension funds in many countries have suffered enormous losses during the global crisis, particularly in 2008. In 2009, many pension funds returned to positive nominal investment returns, yet the crisis is likely to continue to weigh heavily on pension finances. While some of the losses incurred during the crisis may be recovered during economic recovery relatively quickly, a complete restoration of pension finances may take many years, as people have lost a number of years of savings due to the financial crisis. Moreover, the crisis has also demonstrated the vulnerability of pension levels in Direct Contribution schemes, notably for people who are close to retirement and whose savings portfolios might not recover during their remaining active life. A further question is whether the accumulation of pension savings in the global markets had considerable impact on the development of asset price bubbles, and hence might have contributed to the new level of benefit uncertainty.

- While some countries have directly tapped into national pension reserves, other countries have modified the regulations of pension funds to give the government a greater say in the investment policy of the fund, which can be used to redirect investments to the national economy.


In Ireland, where the Investment of the National Pensions Reserve Fund and Miscellaneous Provisions Act (2009) paved the way for a “directed investment” of €7 billion in preference shares issued by the Bank of Ireland and Allied Irish Banks, followed by its contribution to the national bail-out plan under the National Recovery Plan 2011–14.


In a serious economic recession, all social security systems face immediate financing problems. If the rate and average duration of unemployment increase, the result will be a further reduction in incomes from pension schemes which link benefit amounts to contributions paid.
While such measures may help to supply liquidity to ailing national companies and save jobs in the short term, they may expose pension funds to greater risks and jeopardize the sustainability and adequacy of pensions in the long term.

- Recent pension reforms have rendered pension systems more vulnerable to economic shocks and have shifted financial and economic risks to individuals. This was the case where pension systems were converted into funded defined contributions schemes without putting adequate safeguards in place to protect the future incomes of pensioners.


A recent study assesses the impact of the crisis on pension levels in Chile where the reformed Direct Contribution schemes are closest to maturity.  The case demonstrates that while in 2010 the capital market rebound led to a recovery of savings to pre-crisis levels, the fact remains that a number of contributors – notably those saving in higher risk portfolios – have effectively lost up to two years of savings. That means that they contributed to their old-age income systems without any impact on their pension level, and again demonstrates the inherent uncertainties created by entirely capital market-based old-age income security systems.

click here to access a specific capsule regarding Chile's Old Age (opens in a new window)


- If a crisis, or its national spin-offs, turns into a long-term downward adjustment of asset prices, the outcome in Direct Contribution schemes will inevitably be the payment of lower retirement benefits. Any prolonged suppression of interest rates and asset prices will lead to serious difficulties by way of destabilized annuity rates (prices) and management of annuity reserve funds. The size of the long-term effect will depend on the depth and the duration of the downturn in asset prices. Liquidity to ailing national companies and save jobs in the short term, they may expose pension funds to greater risks and jeopardize the sustainability and adequacy of pensions in the long term.


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Extending social security to all using old-age pension

Extending social security to all using old-age pension

 

Globally, the theoretical coverage of existing statutory contributory pension schemes should amount to nearly 40 per cent of the working-age population, in practice, however, the effective coverage amounts to no more than 25 per cent of working-age men and women. The need to extend coverage is, therefore, most urgent in developing countries, where formal coverage rates are very low.

The analysis shows a clear dichotomy between developed parts of the world and the developing countries, where effective “retirement” from economic activity is rare.

The figures suggest that women in most regions do reduce their economic activity to a greater extent than men as they get older, but it is obvious that many are occupied with activities not recorded by labour force surveys as “employment”, such as care-giving and running the household for other members of their families.

Figure 5.10 above shows that the link, in terms of inverse correlation, between old-age pension coverage and labour force participation of older people is strong.

Secondly, it may be difficult to count accurately the number of pensions paid (or contingently payable) to women, since, while many women may lack pension entitlements in their own right, they will qualify eventually to receive widows’ pensions. In non-OECD countries, typically only a minority of the elderly receive any pension from formal social security systems.

The lowest coverage rates of all are seen in Africa, where 10 per cent or fewer of the elderly have any pension entitlement. This situation will not improve radically in the foreseeable future, even though many African countries have established contributory pension schemes, firstly because those schemes are “young”, with few members who have contributed long enough to accrue entitlements to benefits payable as yet, but more importantly because it is rare that any more than 10 per cent of those in the labour force or employment contribute to any pension scheme.

- The examples above show that globally there is very wide diversity amongst countries of coverage rates for old-age pension benefits, including those that have achieved the highest levels. It leads to the observation that, in fact, the most successful countries in this regard are those that have complemented contributory pension schemes with the introduction of non-contributory pensions, payable immediately so as to reach, if not all of the elderly, then those most urgently in need. A further group of empirical observations concerns the (known) strong gender dimension of old-age poverty.

Life expectancy for women is generally higher than for men, so that a significant proportion of women may live in poverty for a relatively long period. The probability that a woman will lose her partner is higher, and women are less likely than men to remarry. Thus, women over age 60 without partners significantly outnumber their male counterparts and many must work to compensate for declining intra-family support and the absence of universal pension schemes in many countries.

- In some societies, these problems are certainly exacerbated by social exclusion due to widowhood. Similarly, the global pattern of pension coverage has a strong gender dimension. In most countries, women are under-represented in the formal economy and are, accordingly, proportionately under-represented amongst the contributors to social insurance pension schemes. When women do participate in such schemes, it is often the case that their contributions are made at relatively low rates (because they tend to be employed in poorly-paid jobs) and for fewer years than men in comparable employment (because they interrupt their careers for child-bearing and other care responsibilities), with the overall result that their final pensions are disproportionately low.

- In addition, the annuitization process in pension schemes based on individual savings may result in relatively low pensions for women reflecting their comparative longevity. Other characteristics of pension systems which may, depending on circumstances, be reflected in relatively low average pensions paid to women include the likelihood that their pension rights are derived from those and the difficulty of establishing a satisfactory basis for dividing pension rights in case of divorce.

- In summary, although average indicators of coverage may vary between lower levels (Africa) or higher (Europe), a significant gender gap is observed in all regions: in nearly all countries coverage in old age for women is much lower than for men. It seems likely, given the multiple sources of gender imbalance in contributory schemes, that the overall imbalance could be rectified only through the extension of pension rights to women in non-contributory schemes and those providing universal minimum guarantees.

Excluded groups tend to include in fact not only women, for the reasons already noted, but also low-skilled workers and ethnic minorities.

- The world is ageing. Table 5.3 above shows that, while men and women aged 65 and over now represent 8 per cent of the world population, this figure is projected to increase to 16 per cent by 2050. The majority of the elderly live in countries where, at present, only small minorities are covered by any form of pension schemes and where social security in general, including affordable access to essential health-care services, is a luxury: over 60 per cent of the elderly now live in countries classified by the UN as “less developed”. In 2050 the projections indicate that the elderly in these countries will comprise nearly 80 per cent of the world’s elderly population, of whom 60 per cent will live in Asia, and more than half of whom will be found in China and India alone. The table also shows the predominance of women amongst the elderly in all regions.


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